My City’s Secret Shame

TRIGGER ALERT: This piece includes descriptions of racial violence that took place in the early 20th century.

Atlanta’s 1897 Flatiron Building sits at the corner of Auburn Avenue, long a center of Black culture and business, and Peachtree Street, hub of the city’s bustling commercial district for over a century and a half. On this block in 1906, an angry mob with violence on their minds gathered .

I love Atlanta, my home city. I love her bustle, her thick canopy of green, her long blossoming springs, her baseball team. She’s the beating heart of the Deep South, the region’s transportation and arts hub, a place noteworthy for her diversity and progressive ways. But Atlanta is still the South. I love this perhaps most of all. Our citizens tend to smile at strangers and speak to neighbors. They bring cakes and casseroles to the grieving and host Sip and See’s for newborns and brides-to-be. Even most of our unhoused citizens will ask God to bless you as you pass, whether or not you’ve sported them a dollar. And though the metro area is famously congested at six million strong, drive less than an hour outside the city limits and you’ll find yourself surrounded by wide open spaces—dry flatlands that were once cotton country to the south and east, and to the north and west, the rolling green foothills of lower Appalachia, where lake-fed breezes offer cool relief from summer heat and hand-painted signs advertise peaches and boiled peanuts even as others warn that the gates of hell gape wide for all who fail to repent.

Atlanta, like the greater South, is a place of contradictions. This, too, I love.

What don’t I love? Feeling hoodwinked.

A decade or so ago, I began researching a historical novel set primarily in Atlanta during the late 19th and early 20th centuries. As expected, one acclaimed article and text after another lamented the devastation the city suffered during the Civil War and the struggles she experienced throughout the Reconstruction era. Most boasted of Atlanta’s unlikely triumph, of her determination to brush away the ashes of defeat and rise again, Phoenix-like, on the wings of her zest for commerce. In March of 1874, Henry Grady, editor of The Atlanta Constitution, famously dubbed Atlanta the fulcrum of a “New South,” a region of opportunity whose citizens, chastened by war, were ready to move past notions of secession and set aside their prejudices so they might work with Northern business leaders and industrialists. The economy was diversifying. Atlanta’s leaders were eager to draw outside investors by promoting her as a center of trade and commerce open to one and all and free of old divisive antebellum ways.

Pretense perhaps, yet during the last third of the 19th century, many bought it. The city’s diverse population quadrupled as the down-and-out swept in from rural areas throughout the South. Swanky hotels like the Kimball House and the Majestic lured visitors downtown. A streetcar system connected new neighborhoods to the city center. Institutions of higher learning sprouted up, among them Georgia Tech, Oglethorpe, and HBCU’s like Morehouse and Spelman. In response, white laborers and farmers and rural Black sons and daughters of the formerly enslaved alike—all weary of trying to milk land exhausted by a century of cotton farming—streamed into town alongside eager immigrants from Ireland, eastern Europe, you name it. Atlanta became a sanctuary, a place down-on-their-luck families might thrive.

Little of this was news to me, nothing I hadn’t learned from oral family history or grade school social studies classes. When I found a couple sources that mentioned a “race riot” in the year 1906, I was surprised, but reports were so cursory I figured this must have been a skirmish, a minor uprising that fizzled out without long-term effect. As a fifth-generation Georgian, third-generation Atlantan born in 1960, I felt sure that had this riot been an event of major significance, I would have heard about it.

Still, it nagged at me. My novel’s cast of characters is diverse and I wanted—needed—to be true to them as well as historically accurate. I kept digging, and in time I discovered several texts, all of them written after 1995, that gave a different, more Dickensian version of early 20th century Atlanta. Yes, she was a place of progress and opportunity, but her rapid growth came at a price. The city couldn’t house much less offer employment to all of the thousands of desperate people, white and otherwise, who came knocking at her door. As a result, many of the new arrivals remained unemployed, or worse. They’d abandoned their land and their previous lives and now had nothing, nowhere to live, no way to feed themselves or their children in a city plagued by sanitation issues and overcrowding.

As for the so-called riot that city leaders and historians had glossed over for nearly a century? Turns out it raged on for four stifling September days, four days of violence, bloodshed and death that changed my city forever.

While visiting Atlanta in September, 1906, one J. A. Butler pens a disturbingly dispassionate message on a postcard of an idyllic city park scene: “There is a Race Riot going on here. There ha[s] been about 40 people killed since Saturday. Thought your card was very interesting.” (Photo courtesy of Atlanta History Center)

September 22nd, 1906, summer’s swansong, but downtown boiled like it was July. Merchants and streetcar drivers, blacksmiths and bellboys worked on. Along Decatur Street in south downtown, crowded dance halls and saloons flung their doors open wide in hopes of catching currents of cooler air. By late afternoon, as the bricks of Peachtree Street baked in the sun, a mob of white men and boys gathered near Five Points, the heart of the city’s business district. Around them, newsboys hawked “special edition” papers bearing sordid headlines based on false accusations of assault and rape against Black men. A gubernatorial election was on the horizon. Both candidates had used yellow journalism to stoke resentment and anger among white males toward Atlanta’s Black community, especially Black men who had found some economic success, sometimes more success than their white counterparts.

Some of the newspaper headlines that circulated on September 22, 1906

Around sundown, its numbers having risen into the high thousands, the mob thundered through the streets wielding clubs and iron pipes, knives and axes and pistols. They derailed streetcars, smashed storefront windows, ransacked homes. While law enforcement stood idly by, they yanked Black men through the doors of the emporiums and hotels and barber shops that employed them, wrenched men, women and children off of streetcars to beat, stab, and shoot them. They kept their victims’ hats and caps, severed the fingers and toes of others, and hung these so-called souvenirs from telegraph poles on iron hooks. They tossed lifeless bodies out of hotel windows, dragged others to Henry Grady’s statue at the corner of Forsyth and Marietta Streets, where in a show of disdain for his New South ideas, they dropped them at his stony feet.

Members of Georgia’s state militia arrive at Five Points the day after the massacre began, September, 1906. (Courtesy of Atlanta History Center)

At midnight, the governor called in the state militia, but only a driving two a.m. thunderstorm was up to the task of clearing the streets. After a few hours rest, the mob simply divided to conquer and set out again. With law enforcement still largely ignoring their actions, they moved beyond downtown to wreak havoc in and out of primarily Black neighborhoods, ebbing and flowing for two more nights and three days. Many residents of these neighborhoods armed themselves in self-defense. The violence continued. Skirmishes ensued. This mob attacked small business owners, laundresses, bootblacks, teenagers. Most of their victims had never been accused of a crime, never set foot in the seedy Decatur Street establishments that city leaders would later blame for instigating the riot.

By nightfall, September 25th, scores of Black homes had been burned to ash. One white man and over two dozen (the official number) Black citizens lay dead. It’s believed many more lost Black lives went unreported. Hundreds lay injured in their homes or in Grady hospital’s segregated wing, and thousands of Black families, working class and well-to-do alike, fled the city, many bearing along their injured or dead, never to return.

This was not a riot. It was a massacre, one so brutal it caught the attention of journals across the country and as far afield as Paris. Yet locally, city leadership moved rapidly to quash reports of the mayhem and bloodshed. Best not to harp on such a thing, they suggested, one that would harm the city’s progressive image and stunt the growth and opportunity that benefitted everyone, regardless of race or creed. The mayor brought in members of the new Black elite, mostly clergy and successful businessmen, to persuade them to go along with efforts to scrub the city’s consciousness of what had passed. In exchange, Black leaders asked for protection by local law enforcement should mobs form again. City leaders agreed, as long as certain conditions were met: Black-owned saloons and dance halls would be shut down. Black businesses that had before thrived alongside white ones in Atlanta’s Five Points area would relocate to Auburn Avenue, already becoming known as a Black business mecca. Perhaps most significantly, Atlanta’s Black citizenry would agree to obey stricter segregation laws than before—separate restrooms and seating on public transportation and in movie theaters, segregated schools, hotels, hospitals and restaurants, and restrictions on where Black families could build homes and settle. Within months, Georgia’s new governor, Hoke Smith, drove through poll taxes and literacy laws that disenfranchised all but the tiniest slice of the state’s Black population while grandfathering in illiterate whites. Atlanta, a mingled melting pot in the years after the Civil War, was now fully segregated. Jim Crow’s icy grip had tightened. It would not begin to thaw for nearly sixty years. Though the city today boasts a healthy Black middle and upper class population, most neighborhoods have been painfully slow to integrate since.

One of two French journals that devoted their cover stories to the Atlanta Massacre

I recently discovered that in 1904, the man who would become my paternal grandfather left his father’s tobacco farm in Lebanon, Kentucky, to work in a cousin’s Atlanta shoe business. He was nineteen. A year later, his future sister-in-law, my great aunt Louise, came to the city from Greensboro, Georgia, to attend stenography school. My research has shown that they were both in Atlanta on that September weekend of 1906. Might my grandfather have been part of the mob? I shudder to think of it. His apartment was over a mile north of downtown, but it’s possible. We’ll never know. Great Aunt Louise lived in a boarding house four blocks southwest of Five Points. If she didn’t witness the carnage and chaos, she would certainly have heard it. She too was nineteen years old—an age of possibility and promise, an age often remembered with a clarity hard to summon for other, less shimmery junctures of life. Though it was nothing compared to what the massacre’s victims experienced, the trauma of that week for her must have been immense. Aunt Louise was an independent thinker, rational and tolerant, and yet like my grandfather, she locked her massacre memories deep in her heart. She never spoke of that horrific week in September, not to me nor any of my relatives. City leadership’s ploy had worked, and all too well.

Over the past twenty years, or one hundred plus years after the fact, word has at last begun to spread about the Massacre and its repercussions. Organizations like the Equal Justice Initiative and the Fulton County Remembrance Coalition hold symposiums each year. They’ve produced films and succeeded in having historical markers erected. The Atlanta History Center includes a section on the Massacre as part of its “Gatheround. Stories of Atlanta” exhibit, and the Auburn Avenue Research Library hosts a permanent exhibit on its first floor called “Stories From the Soil.” Haunting in its simplicity, this exhibit features jars of soil collected from the sites of thirty-six lynchings that occurred in Fulton County between 1889 and 1936. Twenty-five of these took place during the Atlanta Massacre of 1906.

Every September, I read over the names of those lost during the Massacre. I share them here as a way of honoring them, and remembering. May we always remember.

Milton Brown Frank Fambro James Fletcher Zeb Long Leola Maddox Sam Magruder Will Marion Will Moreland Clem Rhodes Sam Robinson Annie Shepherd Frank Smith William Henry Welch George Wilder Marshall Carter Stinson Ferguson

Nine (plus) Unknown Victims

James Heard, a white Atlanta police officer

“Stories from the Soil” at the Auburn Avenue Research Library

Thank you for reading. If you’d like to learn more about this historic event, the sources below offer a good start. This year’s special events devoted to remembrance of the event are included in the first link. (My apologies that some of these opportunities have passed. I attended the Southview Cemetery Tour and Remembrance last year, well-done and very moving.)

Remembrance Exposition Week

Atlanta Race Massacre of 1906

(re)Defining History: Uncovering the 1906 Atlanta Race Massacre

Bauerlein, Mark, Negrophobia: A Race Riot in Atlanta, 1906 (San Francisco, CA: Encounter Books, 2001).

Burns, Rebecca, Rage in the Gate City: The Story of the 1906 Atlanta Race Riot (Athens, Georgia: University of Georgia Press, 2009).

Du Bois, W. E. B., “A Litany of Atlanta.” Johnson, James Weldon, ed., The Book of American Negro Poetry (New York, New York: Harcourt, Brace and Company, 1922).

Godshalk, David Fort, Veiled Visions: The 1906 Atlanta Race Riot and the Reshaping of American Race Relations (Chapel Hill, North Carolina: The University of North Carolina Press, 2005).

Kuhn, Clifford M., Joye, Harlon E, and West, E. Bernard, Living Atlanta: An Oral History of the City, 1914-1948 (Athens, Georgia: University of Georgia Press, 1990).

Pomeranz, Gary, Where Peachtree Meets Sweet Auburn: A Saga of Race and Family (New York, New York: Penguin Books, 1997).

Afternoons with Mary: Sharecropper’s Daughter

Life on the farm in Depression-era Alabama

In memory, my first few visits with Mary Darian are fresh and bathed in light. It was spring, 2017. From where we gathered in her daughter’s living room, we could see Lou’s back yard, the lawn greening and her plantings touched with early spring color. Yes, Mary was still grieving the loss of her oldest son and recovering from a fall. Her speech was sometimes halting, especially when she grew tired, in the wake of her last stroke, but for the most part, she was upbeat, both determined to do her therapy exercises to regain her strength and eager to share the story of her childhood. Her Alabama family was cash-poor when she was growing up—she made no bones about that—but when she described her young parents and her grandmother and great-grandmother, her expression warmed. Sometimes, her voice was tinged with longing, a longing for the simple life her family built out of next to nothing.

Which is not to say Mary romanticized that rural mid-20th century life. She’d lived in Atlanta since she was fourteen. She’d experienced unrest, boycotts, and violence just to earn for herself and her loved ones basic rights she lacked as a child—the right to sit where she pleased in a theatre, to use a public restroom, to vote. Like other Black tenant farming families in the Deep South, during her childhood the Walkers and Cochrans were trapped in a dead-end economic system. The threats and humiliations of Jim Crow hung over them like a shroud. “You couldn’t make a living in Hurtsboro,” she liked to say. “Hurts to stay there and hurts to leave.”

But Mary was the walking example of the old adage that the key to happiness is to want what you have, not in the sense of surrender but in making the best of what’s given you in any particular momentI’ve been pretty bad at this most of my life, always striving for something or other just out of reach. Maybe that’s why being with Mary in Lou’s sunny home, just being with her and listening to her stories, no matter how surprising some of them were, was such a comfort.

When Mary Lue Cochran was born on November 11, 1935, her father, Jimmie Lee, was twenty. Her mother, Lue Milla James Cochran, was seventeen. Mary’s brother Leroy came along a year later. I asked Mary one afternoon whether her mother had to join her father in the cotton fields to meet the quota that paid their rent.

“My daddy …” she said, shaking her head. “Also worked at the Perlmans’ store. That extra money he made kept my mama out of the fields after I was born. She stayed in the house working and taking care of Leroy and me.”

The Perlmans, an immigrant Jewish family, owned a dry goods store in Hurtsboro. Strange. I knew that as Atlanta’s population boomed in the late 1800s, the city began to attract immigrants from all over Europe, but Hurtsboro? A town that grew up around a sawmill in the 1850s situated in remote eastern Alabama, in 1900 it had just over 400 residents, most of them farm laborers or mill workers. I decided to do a little research. Turns out that of the influx of Jewish immigrants fleeing the pogroms and economic hardship of Eastern Europe around the turn of the 20th century, many wound up in small Southern towns working as merchants or peddlers. So the Perlmans’ store wasn’t strange at all. I checked out the store owner Sol Perlman on Ancestry.com and managed to locate his son. Sam Perlman, who spoke affectionately of growing up in Hurtsboro, shared that his grandfather Henry had immigrated to Montgomery from Lithuania in 1891. A few years later he took out a loan to open a store sixty miles southeast in—you got it—Hurtsboro. Henry Perlman was a smart cookie. Two railways served by a shared depot had just been extended through the middle of town, and though one Ben Goldstein, originally of Poland, already ran a general store there, they both wagered there’d be business enough for another. They were right. A golden age followed. By 1914, a year before Mary’s father was born, the sawmill town boasted an inn, a cafe, those two general stores and a couple of banks. By the time Mary was born, the population had more than doubled and two hardware stores, a library and a movie theatre had sprouted up. Henry Perlman, and later his son Sol, much like Ben Goldstein and his son Abe, did good business, not only with rail passengers passing through but with tenant farmers, providing them with fuel, feed, kitchen staples and other goods. Southern landowners generally preferred it this way. By sending their tenants into town for supplies, they could leave unpleasant matters such as late payments or poor credit to the shopkeepers.

Another smart cookie, Jimmie Lee Cochran was also a hard worker. Not only did he do maintenance work for Sol Perlman, he became a chauffeur for both Sol and Abe Goldstein, whose store was a short walk up Main Street. When his work was done in town, Mary’s father walked back to his family’s rental property a few miles outside of town, a two-room clapboard house with straw mattresses, “a big fireplace for heat,” windows that had shutters “you could close at night or when it rained,” but no glass panes. And an outhouse out back.

“We had a well for water,” Mary said. “That was the best water, just as cool as it could be. And Grandma Ca-line had a little garden of her own …” she added, full of pride. “She grew lettuce, carrots, corn, cucumbers, plums … Mm—mmm.” She smiled and smacked her lips. “Ma Sweet had a little store by the side of the house and folks would come by and pay her a little to go pick whatever was in season straight from the garden. They knew it was fresh that way. Ca-line raised chickens, too, and sold eggs. That’s how we had income.”

“Ma Sweet” was Mary’s father’s mother, the younger Ellen in Mary’s family tree who had attended a few years of school and was the entrepreneur of the household. She earned her nickname not only by baking sugary concoctions like tea cakes for the white family she worked for but also stocking in her store penny candy, RC cola and Nehi (“from the icebox”), goodies she bought from a traveling peddler.

A kitchen corner, with woodstove, in an Alabama tenant farmer’s home. Photo by Walker Evans, 1936

“Ma Sweet and Ca-line used lard. Everything tastes better with lard,” Mary laughed. “Ooooh, those biscuits! I get hungry just thinking about them. And you know, all we had was a pot-bellied woodstove with two eyes—how’d they cook all that and make our meals, too? And honey, Ma Sweet bought lemons from that peddler. She had us roll and roll them until they got soft. Then we’d squeeze out the juice and she’d sweeten it up with sugar or honey—I never knew which I liked best. She sold that lemonade and mint tea in Mason jars.” Mary paused, her gaze turning inward as she drifted back in time. “Mint tea was a good thing.”

“Oh! And blackberries!” She snapped back to attention, her soft brown eyes bright. “I almost forgot about blackberries. We picked them to eat and Ma Sweet sold them. That’s the other sticky thing I didn’t like.”

The other sticky thing … And the first? Maybe I was naive, but that first sticky thing had surprised me.

You picked cotton?” I’d asked, struggling to mask the shock in my voice. The Mary I’d known was a spunky young city woman, clever and streetwise with a sophisticated wit. A city girl myself, I’d never known anyone who worked a farm—well, that’s not altogether true. A cousin of mine owns a ranch in Colorado, but managing horses and livestock, brutal as I’m sure it can be, seems different from manually tending a crop. When I pictured the child Mary bent over a row of cotton beneath the punishing summer sun, I could conjure only something distant and unreal, a downtrodden character in a movie or novel. But Mary’s experience was as real as it gets.

“Yes, I picked cotton as soon as I was able. We kids started, oh I guess we were seven or eight years old. It was the dog days, all summer right up through Labor Day. The boys had to pick after school, but we girls didn’t.”

I was rapt.

“We had a sack we carried over our shoulder,” she went on. “You picked off the hard brown bolls, they were like a little hard flower with a thick husk and the end of it was sharp and sticky. You had to take off the boll and pull out the little seeds before you dropped the cotton in your sack. Once your sack was full, you brought it so they could weigh and bale it up.”

How much cotton was expected from each of these second and third graders?

“The owner of our patch liked us to pick a hundred pounds a day.”

Quite the taskmaster, King Cotton.


Mary’s story continues in “The Good Doctor,” to be posted soon. Until then, I’d love to hear your thoughts in the comment box below, and thanks always for reading “Afternoons with Mary.”